Notes on Old Irish Maps.

From The Ulster Journal of Archaeology, First Series, Volume 4, 1856

Before an actual survey was made of Ireland, any idea of the extent of the country was, of course, mere guess-work, and, as omne ignotum pro magnifico habetur, probably in excess of the real dimensions. The first survey was not commenced until four centuries after "the Conquest" by Henry II., viz., in 1570; previous to which time so little was geographically known that, in 1541, the Viceroy and Council enforced their opinion that it was impossible to make "a general conquest" of Ireland, by declaring they believed the island to be fully as large as England and Wales together![1] The proportion between the two islands was found, however, to be as 18 to 30;[2]--Ireland being in length and breadth but 306 by 207 statute miles, and only comprising some 27,000 square miles, while Great Britain contains within 380 by 300, or some 50,000. The English settler, Payne,[3] thought that the map of Ireland published by Mercator in 1584 exhibited the country as little more than a quarter of its real size; and he entertained a similarly exaggerated idea as to the amount of the population, believing that the Queen had six millions of loyal subjects in Ireland; whereas Sir William Petty's census determined the entire population to be only 1,320,000. So erroneous, on the other hand, in diminution of the actual size, is the first rough map to which we shall refer, dated 1567, that this kingdom, therein designated "the island not far from England, commonly called Hireland,"[4] measures upon it in length from "Beare head" to "Fayre Forland" only 260 English miles, and in breadth from Howth to Arran but 130. At that time it was, indeed, as will be seen, as dangerous for an Englishman to attempt a general survey in the country as to take arms in a general conquest, the Gaelic people having been as hostile to a map-maker as a soldier; for, to their minds, the appearance of either surely portended confiscation. The deficiencies and misrepresentations in the Topographia Hiberniae of Giraldus are well known to be owing to his having written when the "conquest of the Irish" was so incomplete that no Englishman dared venture into the Irish regions; the fate of some who had done so having been that, ubi capti, as Cambrensis wrote, ibidem decapitati; and one remote territory, that of the Cinel Conaill (Donegal, which seems in that age to have been terra incognitissima,) continued geographically unknown down to the commencement of the 17th century, when a surveyor, one Berkeley, who was employed by Lord Mountjoy to draw a map of the north of Ulster, was beheaded by the people of Tirconnell.[5] Many difficulties, natural as well as artificial, precluded, at that period, the making of any but small and inaccurate maps of the island, the largest of which is on a scale of eight miles to the inch. But Immediately after the expugnatio effected by Cromwell, the most stupendous survey ever made of any country was laid down by Sir William Petty, on charts which became the "terriers" by which almost all the land of Ireland has since been held by Englishmen.

Taking these ancient maps in chronological order, the first,[6] of 1567, is more a rough outline of the island, merely giving the names of some scattered towns, and the titles of a few nobles and lords of the land, than a map; and if comparison be made between it and an Ordnance county map of our time, it will be seen that while the one omits many a broad river, the other, in its delineation of every little rivulet and mountain turn, will serve as a chart to the wanderer over the wildest waste. Well and agreeably do we remember how our pedestrian tours, in quest of scenes in the county of Wicklow which antiquarian lore rendered interesting to us, were assisted by the small but most accurate Ordnance sheet of that county. It guided us unerringly over those mighty mountain waves of earth, trackless as the ocean, in the centre of desert Wicklow to the desolate and sublime head of the Glendalough Valley;--to Farraneerin, in Glenmalure, where Fiach O'Byrne was chased into a cave by the English red-coats, and killed like a hunted fox;--to Castlekevin, where the insolent favourite of Edward II. the effeminate Gaveston, built a castle to curb those mountain robbers, the O'Tooles;--to the head of the glen of Imaile, where the silver Slaney bursts forth from its rocky fountain;--and to the scene of the defeat given by the O'Byrnes and Fitzgeralds to Arthur, Lord Grey, the patron of the author of the "Faery Queene," and the "Arthegal" of the poet's political allegory. Having praised these excellent government maps, let us regret that the powers which be have not given to each county in Ireland such an admirable epitome of its history and other circumstances as that we possess of the shire of Derry. Not even a trackway is shown on any of these old maps. Locomotion, in 1567, is, however, maritimely represented by a drawing of the little despatch-boat with one sail, which occasionally left Dublin for England,--a slow mode of communication the ingenious author of the gigantic Irish maps endeavoured to improve by starting a quick-sailing "double vessel"--an enterprise which proved of more promise than performance,[7] so that the "pacquet-boat" continued to ply until recently superseded by steam-ships. The original draught sheet of 1567 has on it several notes in the hand-writing of Lord Burleigh, such as "B. W.," to designate the new and important fort of Blackwater,--for this rude chart appears to have been one of the few maps the great minister could refer to whenever the wars and territorial questions of Ireland came before him; and he found it so insufficient that, immediately after the destruction of Shane O'Neill, he despatched an English surveyor, one Robert Lithe, into Ulster, to make a map of this province. But in November of that year, the geographer wrote to say he had quitted the North:--"On account," wrote he, "of the short days and dark and foul weather, and the boggy mountaynes; as well as every valley full of mire and water; and the season more opportune for the Irish out-leapes, stealthes, and spoiles, than for the travail of such company as should have guided and safe conducted me from place to place."[8] How soon he resumed his labours does not appear; but it seems he returned to the North, and supplied topographic information, as in January, 1569, Lord Burleigh asked "for a more particular description of Ulster," which, as well as a correct estimate of the area from whence the rebel chiefs derived their power, was much wanted. In 1521, Lord Lieutenant Surrey had adduced as the reason why O'Donnell and Hugh mac Neill, without mentioning O'Neill of Tyrone, would strenuously resist the projected recovery of the dominion of Ulster, that these potentates, with their subjects, were, as he believed, in possession of more land "than six of the greatest men of land in England;" and, in 1541, the lord deputy and council stated as a proof of the "great power" of the latter chieftain, that "the countrie under his rule is no less, as we judge, than the shire of Kent." The English county is fifty-eight statute miles long by thirty-six broad, and contains 983,680 statute acres; and Tyrone, irregular in form, 754,395. The power of O'Neill extended from Lough Erne to Carrickfergus, and from the Foyle to Newry; and the Earl of Tyrone was able to raise war-taxes equivalent to a million and a half yearly to carry on his defensive rebellion.[9] The surveyor, Lithe, wrote to the Secretary of State, 24th March, 1570-1, to say he was proceeding in his toilful journey through Ireland; and he described his endeavours to make a "plott" of the kingdom; but stated that he had been prevented from doing much by the dangerous state of the country, and that as yet he had only mapped "Mr. Marshall of Ireland's lands in Ulster, and Sir Peter Carew's in Idrone." The first of these maps is of the large estate of Sir Nicholas Bagenal, marshal of the viceregal hall and of the army, on whom the queen had conferred a grant of Newry, Greencastle, &c., in the county Down, and whose son, Dudley, purchased Idrone from Sir George Carew in 1585, and was slain in the ensuing year by the Kavanaghs, the old possessors.[10] Lithe continued at work, being reported in January, 1571-2, to be "making a map of the realm at the expense of government;"[11] and he forwarded in this year a curious account of his expenses, one of the items of which is "for a lethere boat, with three men and a gyde, to serche the greate ryvere of Mayore."[12] How long he was about the work does not appear. But certainly it took him more time to make the small maps of the four provinces which will be shown to be his, and to reduce them into one of the whole kingdom, than thirteen months, the brief period within which Sir William Petty and his staff completed the Herculean labour of a general survey, the townland maps of which extend over twenty-two counties, admeasured field by field, on the enormous scale of forty perches to the inch![13] The etymon of Down Survey as given by Petty may be mentioned, as it is omitted in the elaborate history of that great work. He explained the name as a technical expression, of measuring by the chain and needle a mile in length, and not by the 1,000 acres of superficial extent; or, in other words, the bases only of downs or hills were measured.[14] This derivation, however, differs from that in the history, which, with more probability, derives the term as distinguishing this survey, which was laid down on maps, from preceding surveys that were not mapped. Some of these "book" surveys are anterior to any map; and each was a catalogue raisonnée of a "country." One of the most curious of these is a description of Ofaly, from a survey made in 1550 by the surveyor-general, Walter Cowley, (ancestor of the Duke of Wellington,) under great peril from the O'Conors; for, besides that the undertaking was consequent on the attempt to colonize their land, he penetrated and described their fastnesses and the island-retreat of their chief, situate in the furthest part of Ofaly, into which, until a few years back, no English army "had been known to enter.''[15] This great district was the first Irish country that was surveyed, having long been "the gall of the Pale," as it was called, and therefore the most important to be conquered. Not only was O'Conor himself "the scourge of Englishry,'' from whose rich domains in Meath he received a "black rent" equivalent to £10,000 a year,[16] but his territory was "the doore whereby myche warre and myschyff entered emonges the king's subjects,"[17] excursions having very frequently been made through it into the Pale by the predatory tribes of the west. Loyal subjects could not enjoy the fruits of their labour so long as the tanistic system, that by which clansmen held land, precluded them from industry, and compelled many of their number to live as rapacious warriors. While the one held their estates hereditarily, the other had only shifting life apportionments. Having taken into consideration the supposed great extent of the Gaelic countries, the Anglo-Irish government reasonably advised that,instead of attempting to conquer them, feudal grants should be made to the Irish of the lands of which they were in possession "by long usurpation by strength of the sworde, which," as was truly observed to the king, "they take for as just a title as your Highnes' subjects doo hold their landes by from the conquest." Yet even this conciliatory measure could not be successful in producing peace, because the clansmen were opposed to their chieftain receiving a grant, as he had no right to an estate. The Gaelic names of many countries denote that the proprietorship was vested in the tribe; Feara, or "men," giving title to "Ferra-managh,"[18] &c.; clann, or "descendants," to Clan-hugh-buoy, Clan-brassil, &c.; and Cinel, or "tribe," to Kinel-Couaill, &c. But as the chieftain's name was most known to the English, they generally gave it to the territory. Thus we read of McEochaghan's country,"[19]--but which is stated to be "called Kenaliaghe;" the latter indeed being the Gaelic and rightful name, for the land belonged to a cinel or clann, and Mageoghegan, as their chief, was only entitled during his tenure of office to a seigniory or tribute due to him as senior, and to some demesne-land, probably small in extent, although "his" country was, as stated on the map, twelve miles long and seven broad; for when he was made "lord" of the Fox's country, he only obtained about ten acres as a demesne.[20]

Robert Lithe would certainly seem to have gone through his hazardous survey slowly and prudently; so that, however interrupted by winters, he does not appear to have been stopped either by a casualty so extreme as that which subsequently cut the survey of Ulster short, or by hindrances such as were afterwards raised against the work of another English geometrician, one Arthur Robyns, who, after the suppression of Desmond's rebellion, was sent to survey the forfeited estates in Munster, in order that they might be allocated to English undertakers, and who wrote to Secretary Walsingham from Adare,[21] describing the labours he had undergone: stating that great impediments were thrown in his way by the inhabitants, that large stones had been cast down on him from the battlements of a castle in Lord Condon's country, one of which had injured his leg, and that in most places he was refused lodging and victuals. This was in the autumn of 1587, and it would seem by instructions of 1585,[22] when the queen's surveyor, with this Robyns, and two other persons, were to be employed in perfecting the survey, and by a letter dated 10th October, 1584, from Sir Valentine Browne to Lord Burleigh. that the work was so difficult as to have extended over three years. This knight then wrote from Askeaton that he had travailed hard in superintending the survey, passing through bogs and woods, scaling mountains, and crossing many bridgeless rivers and dangerous waters, in which he lost some of his horses, and was twice nearly lost himself; that his son had broken his arm, and that the service was so severe that many of his men had fallen sick. He described the towns and villages as ruined, and that but one of thirty persons was left alive. Desmond's lands, thus void of inhabitants, were, however, "replenished with wood, rivers, and fishings." Sir Valentine's companion, Sir Henry Wallop, wrote at the same time of the great fertility of the soil, and rejoiced to think that England was about to repeople the province with a new and better race.

Hitherto the regions of "the king's rebels" and "Irish enemies" had seldom been "perused" by Englishmen, unless during martial expeditions led by the Viceroy. L. D. Pelham wrote to Walsingham:[23]--"If your honor did vewe the commodious havens and harbors, the bewtie and comoditie of this river of Shenan, which I have sene from the head of it beyond Athlone to the ocean, you would saie that you have not in any region observed places of more pleasure, nor a river of more comoditie.''

He added,--"the people of Munster be the most docible and reformable of all others." Even the extent of the countries nearest to the metropolis was unknown. Dr. Hanmer wrote of Fiach O'Byrne's territory as "some twenty Irish miles long and sixteen broad, and able to furnish about 1,000 men"[24] statistics which err in exaggeration. This district did not belong to any county; and in 1579, Sir William Drury, with the object of "making the wyld territories of the mountaines shire ground"--"passed through the Byrnes and Tooles, and visited Feagh McShane and all his strength and fastness, from whence," remarked the lord justice, "he would have been content to have spared my company."[25] Carriages and cars aro driven eagerly in our days into this and more rugged regions, to see that which Englishmen evidently did not discern in the 17th century--the picturesque:--so at least we may judge by the author of Pacata Hibernia, who calls Mangerton "a most hideous and uncouth mountain!"

The original of the map of Idrone engraved by Blaeu, made prior to 1571 by Lithe, is now bound up in the Carew M.S. 635. This little barony is historically remarkable, as it was in the field of "Balligawran,"[26] near Garrychoill, that Richard II. knighted "the young and puny bachelor," afterwards Henry Y. before attacking the Kavanaghs in their woods; and three years subsequently, at Callestown, on its borders, Mortimer, Earl of March, the heir presumptive to the throne, was slain in an obscure skirmish,--to avenge whose death King Richard came again to these woods, and lost the throne by his absence from England. Our notice of this ancient forest is merely given to lead to deductions as to the authorship of the maps engraved by Speed and Blaeu. Lithe compliantly gave the forest the name of "Carew's wood" to gratify his employer; and as ''Sir Peter Carew" stands conspicuously as the proprietor of estates on the Munster and Leinster maps engraved by Speed in 1610, and copied by Blaeu, it is most likely that the engravings of these and the other provinces were taken from original surveys made by Lithe whilst this knight was living, that is before 1575.[27] On Norden's map, of later date, we read "nuper Sir P. Carew." Sir Peter died at Waterford in 1575, as we learn from his cleverly painted portrait in Hampton Court. Speed, as it would seem, in copying Lithe's survey, made several interpolations, such as "Fort Mountjoy," a construction of anterior date to the decease of men whose names Lithe inscribed as those of living personages. A surveyor of 1572 rather than of 1610 must be considered the originator of Speed's maps, which bear the names of "Sok le Boy," (the renowned Sorleybuoy McDonnell) who died in 1590, and "Bryan Carrogh" O'Neill of 1577, long prior to the days of Speed, whose anachronisms in giving bygone names are still more evident in the Munster map.

The original of "A Single Draght of Mounster"[28] appears, by the frequent occurrence of Burleigh's handwriting upon it, to have been much in his use; and, as it also bears the name of "Sir P. Carew," may have been executed by Lithe. The old maps of this province have some curious notes. "Whyt stones peynted lyke dyamonds" shows where the Kerry crystals are still found. "The great rigkes" designate the mountains now called "McGillicuddy's reeks." "Jhon Mcdonell rymer," on another range, manifests that in the 16th century the "rhymers," as descendants of the druidic Tuatha De Danaan, retained the retired situations in which their predecessors used to study learned and abstruse arts.[29] In some places there are either quotations from Cambrensis, or figures of men and ferae naturae, which (like the cameleopards and unicorns on old maps of the world) filled the void of the mappist's knowledge, and give us accurate likenesses of the mailed galloglasses [30] of Donegal, and pictures of wolves and red-deer in Western Munster.[31] "Here the water howls," points to the cliff where MC-Sweyne's water "gun" still thunders; and by "the Hauke's rocke" on a mountain in his country the surveyor indicated an eyrie of "Irish hawks," so highly prized in England before "fire-guns'' were used, and therefore carefully recorded on old surveys wherever their nests existed. Sites historically memorable are denoted on some of these geographs. Norden's indicates the scene of the butchery of the indomitable rebel, Shane O'Neill, namely, the quay of Ibuyg, near Cushendun. It also shows the headland on which those hardy settlers, the Scots under MacDonnell, lit beacons when they wanted the aid of bows and broadswords from Cantire and the Isles. The most remarkable annotation is that inserted on the map of Ireland itself by Sir William Petty, one hundred years after the important event it celebrated, viz., the death of that mighty traitor, the 16th Desmond. "Here," is inscribed on the atlas of the kingdom, at a place on the borders of Slievluachra called Glennaginty, "the Earll of Desmond was slain." His death, thus recorded, made room for grants of half a million of fertile acres, which barely afforded him an epitaphless grave.

"Owen Maugh," described as "the ancient seat of the Kinges of Ulster," and now to be seen as a large rath about two miles west of Armagh, was probably one of the raths thrown up by the primeval settlers. It subsequently contained the celebrated palace of Emania. The first settlements were, of course, in the Magha or plains, and the primary enclosure the circular rampier formed to protect cattle from wolves, called a rath, and, when strengthened as a fort, a dun or lis, within which the first building was raised, which, from being thatched, possibly received from peile (similar to the French paille, straw, Latin culmus, whence culmen a roof,) the name of pail-lis, the "palace" so frequent on these old maps. Some topographic names are so strangely orthographied as to be almost inexplicable, as "McNegosarahan," "Benmadigang," &c. Gaelic nomenclature sorely perplexed the English mappers. At the time Charles II. was much occupied in examining claims to Irish estates, he ordered the lord lieutenant to change "the barbarous and uncouth names of places in Ireland, which much retard the reformation of the country, into others more suitable to the English tongue," a provision embodied in the Act of Explanation, but not acted upon; for as Sir Richard Bingham [32] observed in reply to a proposal of Lord Burleigh to bestow new denominations on lands in Connaught,--" each quarter of land in Clan Costello had its several name long before we were born, and it is not in us to new name them now." To this sentiment we cordially say Amen!

The map next in apparent date of publication is taken from a copper plate discovered not long since at Armagh, bearing an engraving of a rude idea of Ireland supposed to have been executed for Sir Thomas Smith, the secretary of state, as the ensuing inscription is placed opposite the Ards:--"Glane insule partem Anglis[33] incolendum de dn Elizabetha Anglie [34] regina, coloniaque ducta est bno" (domino?) "Smetho, equite aurat, 1572." This map is extraordinarily incorrect in its nomenclature. "Glane insule") may have meant the promontorial part of "Glan y boy," namely the northern Ards, granted to the secretary's son, whose house, "Smithe's castle," where he was slain the next year [35] by Niall O'Neill, (afterwards "chief captain of Clandeboy and the Ards,"[36]) is depicted on the map of Antrim and Down, given at page 120, vol. I. of our Journal. The father of this Niall figures on the map of 1572 as "Bryan ferty," [Faghartach] sole lord of all "Glan y boy;"--and, as the Earl of Essex called him "the rebel Brian Erto," he may have been the inaugurated and popular chief, and the knighted Sir Brian mac Phelim only "the queen's O'Neill" of Clandeboy. The name of the latter's son, ancestor of the late Viscount O'Neill, appears on Norden's map as "Shane mc Brian," close to "Ca: Edend:" [Edenduff-carrick] now known as Shane's castle; and close to Belfast, in the place where the once great Bryan Faghartach was lord, we read "Sir Arthur Chichester's keis," which perhaps, as "Chichester's ciosa" or "rents" was intended to denote the land newly paying rent to the English knight. Ancient woods that have long since disappeared are the most marked features on these maps. "Keylaltagh," (coill Ultagh, or the wood of Ulster,) a "great forest" anno 1515, into which it was then proposed to drive back the clan-Hugh buoy, covered the eastern shore of Lough Neagh broadly in 1572, but is barely shown on the succeeding map; for Lord Mountjoy, Sir Arthur Chichester, and their soldiery, had not only "fed upon the seigniories" of the senior of the clan, but had "felled his forest trees." "Killetra," depicted by Lithe as a district of timber, seems to have been the sylvan name (coill-iochtar, the lower wood) of part of Glanconcadhain, which latter was the great "glins" that Dockwra was exaggeratingly told were 20 miles long by 10 broad,[37] and was "all covered with thick wood." South of this fastness a great entrenchment, one of "Tyrone's ditches," is depicted as some 12 miles in length. Glanconcadhain is described as "a great forest, well nigh as large as the New Forest in Hampshire."[38] But as permission was given to the Irish Society in 1609 to cut oak, &c, in Killetra, to the immense value of £50,000, for the purpose of building Londonderry, the country around "Glanconcan" looks blank on the ensuing map. It had been recommended to reserve the timber of this district for the use of the royal navy--a purpose referred to in Edmond Spenser's enthusiastic apostrophe in praise of Ulster, a passage we are irresistibly tempted to transcribe in full:--"And sure," wrote the English poet, "it is yet a most beautiful and sweet country as any is under heaven, being stored throughout with many goodly rivers, re-plenish'd with all sorts of fish most abundantly, sprinkled with many very sweet islands, and goodly lakes like little inland seas, that will carry even ships upon their waters, adorned with goodly woods fit for building of houses and ships, so commodiously, as that if some princes in the world had them, they would soon hope to be lords of all the seas, and ere long of all the world. Also full of good ports and havens opening upon England, as inviting us to come unto them to see what excellent commodities that country can afford; besides, the soyl itself most fertile, fit to yield all kind of fruit that shall be committed therunto. And lastly the heavens most mild and temperate." To this eloquent description of the natural features and amenities of our province may be added a vivid paragraph from a letter written from Lisnegarvy in 1629 by Lord Conway:[39]--"Greater storms," observed the writer, "are not in any place, nor greater serenities; foul ways, boggy ground, pleasant fields, waters, brooks, and rivers; full of fish and game;--the people in their attire, language, and fashion--barbarous; in their entertainment--free and noble."

None of the maps mentioned show where the fictitious island called I-Brasile is to be found, although it not only figures on many old charts,[40] but the good author of the chorographic account of West Connaught stated it was "often visible, and sett down in cards of navigation.'' This fanciful land was sometimes supposed to be perceived in the offing of the bay of Galway--the idea of its existence evidently originating in optical illusions, like the fata Morgana of the straits of Messina, frequently visible in the bay. As early as 1161, phantom-ships were seen in the harbour, sailing against the wind [41]--a plain though scarce-remembered omen that the port will yet be the trans-Atlantic packet station! I-Brasile, this enchanted isle, was the Elysium of the ancient Irish, rarely perceptible to ordinary eyes, and accordingly disbelieved by practical topographers. One of our modern poets, Gerald Griffin, gracefully drew a trite moral in his verses on this "Isle of the Blest," from a fancied fatal attempt to reach a domain of happiness of so illusory a nature. But another poet, of brighter imagination, whose allegory of "the Phantom Bark" conveys a similar lesson, adheres in his ode of "Arranmore'' to the charming idea of the islet "Eden", "whose bowers," he declared, "at sunset oft are seen." The belief in the existence of I-Brasile was so actual as to induce Leslie of Glasslough, "a wise man and a great scholar," to incur the expense of taking out a patent grant of this insula fatua from Charles I., as an estate in futuro, "whenever it should be found!"[42] Many endeavours wore made to discover the fabled island. Of these a pretended one is the most notable, in having been the means of conveying the eminent and sincere republican, Edmond Ludlow, out of danger; he, with others implicated in a conspiracy to seize Dublin castle, having escaped to the continent in a ship chartered at Limerick "to sail in search of I-Brasile."[43] These antique maps show a few of the more noted islands of Ireland, such as in early ages were the retreats of her persecuted sages and saints, and, in more recent times, of her chieftains; as Torree, the maritime refuge of "O'Dogherdy;" and the islet in Lough Derg, which, as the abode of the first missionary, Patrick, subsequently gained European celebrity.

Nearly forty years elapsed after the survey by Lithe before the next, Norden's,[44] which was made between 1609 and 1611. The historical changes that had occurred in the interim appeared on the face of the country. In place of forests, most of which had been cut down to destroy the harbourage of the native Irish, Ulster now bristled with forts--stamps of the recent fierce contest, and named from the generals distinguished in it--"Charlemount," "Mountjoy," "Mount-Norris," &c.; while the names of many new English proprietors of the soil stand where the Gael had been uprooted.--An unpublished map of Eastern Ulster, preserved in the State Paper Office, shows the sites of "Mandeville's," "Audley's," "Welsh's," and "Power's" castles, within the ancient settlement founded by De Courcy. An extraordinary cave, near Belfast, is also noticed.

The volume of maps published by Sir William Petty, in 1685, is now scarce, and sells highly. His great work, the Down Survey, mapped this country, as has been already observed, on a larger scale than ever was adopted for any other kingdom; and it is remarkable that Ireland, totally unsurveyed in the middle of the sixteenth century, was not only thus a century afterwards the subject of an extraordinary and magnificent geographical work, but has again been so in our days, by the completion of that unparalleled undertaking, the Ordnance Survey.


[1] S. P. III. 342.
[2] Harris' Ware, II. 32.
[3] Arch. Tracts. I. 5.
[4] "Insula non procul ab Anglia vulgare Hirlandia vocata"
[5] S. P. O. 28th August, 1609. Davyes to Lord Salisbury.
[6] Bound in S. P , vol. III. The signature it bears of "Jo: Goghe" is probably that of John Gough, a London printer, and, as such, the publisher.
[7] Add. MS. 369.
[8] S. P. O.
[9] £80,000 a year. Moryson, II. 191.
[10] Carew MS 635.
[11] Irish Corresp. S. P. O. Vol. 30.
[12] Logan's Gael, I. 179.
[13] "History of the Down Survey," p. 85.
[14] Reflections, 1666.
[15] S P. vol. II. 443. Do. 1537.
[16] Do. 1515, £300 yearly.
[17] Do. p. 485.
[18] Map of 1565. in S. P. vol. III.
[19] Map of 1565 in S.P. vol III.
[20] Arch. Miscell, I. 179.
[21] S. P. O. 17. Sept, 1587.
[22] Desid Cur. Hib. I, 75.
[23] S. P. O. 5. April, 1580.
[24] S. P. O. 23 March, 1594.
[25] Do. 6th March, 1578-9.
[26] Addit.. MS, 4791, p 130.
[27] Four Masters.
[28] Engraved in S. P. vol. III.
[29] F. M. 24.
[30] 1567.
[31] Map of Bantry, 1558 S. P. O.
[32] S. P. O. 6th March, 1587-8.
[33] [34] To judge by these allusions, and by one of the names of the map, as a chart of "Irlandt,"' it is probable the plate was engraved in Holland.
[35] Devereux's Lives, I, 41.
[36] Devereux's Lives, 108.
[37] Celtic Society's Miscell, 264.
[38] Davyes, S. P. O. 1607.
[39] S P. O.
[40] Hardiman's Irish Minstrelsy, I. 369, 370.
[41] Four Masters.
[42] Hardiman, I., 370
[43] 13th March, 1662-3, Addit. MS. 1328.
[44] Engraved in S. P. vol. III.