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CHAPTER VII....concluded
In fully twenty of the counties of Upper or Western Canada there are thriving settlements either exclusively or principally occupied by Irish Catholics; while the Catholic Irish are to be found in every direction, often in the midst of Protestant settlements, whether Irish, Scotch, or English.
Something may here be said of the Irish agriculturist, as compared with his brethren from the sister kingdoms. As may be supposed, by those who know anything of the state of things in different parts of the United Kingdom, the Scotch and English farmers who settle in America bring with them--have brought with them--besides more or less capital in money, a knowledge and skill not possessed by those who emigrated from Ireland. It must be admitted that in Great Britain the science of agriculture has advanced to a degree of perfection to which, even under the most favourable circumstances, Ireland cannot aspire for many years yet to come. Thus it necessarily follows that while the Irishman is in no way inferior to the Englishman or Scotchman in industry or energy, capacity for labour or power of endurance, he is so in theoretical knowledge, and the management of land on the principles of 'high farming.'
Considering the relative condition of the three countries, this is what may be looked for. But the Irishman, even though he may not be able to write his name, is wonderfully shrewd and observant; and before his self-complacent neighbour imagines that simple Pat has even perceived what he was about, simple Pat has borrowed his improvement, and actually made his own of it. It is amusing to hear a poor fellow, who had little inducement for enterprise in his own country, dealing in the most daring manner with scientific terms, picked up from his Lothian or Yorkshire neighbour, and calling things by names that would puzzle a Liebig. But still there is no mistake in his application of the principle; for though he makes a fearful hash of the name, simple Pat has caught fast hold of the thing, as witness the appearance of his land and the abundance of his crops. It occasionally happens that townships belonging to the three nationalities adjoin; and wherever this is the case, the result is a healthful rivalry, productive of general advantage. In the new county of Victoria, in Central Canada, there is an instance of this propinquity. Three townships, almost exclusively belonging to English, Scotch, and Irish settlers, lie alongside each other; and between the three there exists a spirit of emulation, keen but amicable, as to which produces the largest crops, and cultivates the land in the most skilful manner. The result is told by an eminent Irishman, a man much respected in his district, and whose most cherished ambition is to see his countrymen raise themselves higher In the estimation of the world by the exercise of their great natural gifts:--'I am happy and proud to say that our countrymen have proved themselves to be equal in every respect to those from the sister kingdoms. To my mind, the Irish township, according to its numbers, produces the largest crops.' And he adds, `Rely on it, if your countrymen at home had the same freedom of action, the same sense of security and certainty of reward, that they have in our free Canada, they would enjoy in their own country the same prosperity which they enjoy here.'
To me, the proposition seems consistent with reason and common sense, though fanatical sticklers for imaginary 'rights of property' may regard it as little better than rank blasphemy.
It will be interesting to see how the Canadian Parliament dealt, not long since, with the Land Question of the Lower Province. Fortunately for the public welfare, the earnest attention of the Canadian Legislature was directed to the tenure by which the cultivators occupied the soil, and especially to the obligations and restrictions imposed by its conditions upon that most important class of the community; and in 1861 an Act was passed, which has had, and must continue to have, a marked influence on the prosperity of the Province.
The land had been originally parcelled out among a number of great proprietors, who derived their vast estates directly from the Kings of France. Without entering into the history of these grants, or the manner in which the land was gradually occupied by the cultivators, who came as settlers, it is sufficient to state that the evils with which the Legislature had to deal did not arise so much from the burden of the rent, or the duration of the tenure, as from the `rights' which the proprietors reserved to themselves.
The rent was so small as to be merely nominal, in fact a few halfpence per acre; but the `rights'--which restricted the liberty of the tenant, interfered with the free transfer of property, and prevented the progress of the country--were the cause of the discontent that existed, and which it was the object of the Legislature to allay. One of the so-called `casual rights' was the exclusive mill and water-power reserved to himself by the feudal lord. Not only was the censitaire, or tenant, compelled to grind his corn at the landlord's mill, but the latter monopolised the water-power within his territory, thus hampering the industry and enterprise of the district. The other 'right' was that by which, on every sale and transfer of property, the one-twelfth of the amount of the purchase-money was paid to the landlord. Say that A bought property from B, to the value of 120l., A, in addition to paying B the sum of 120l. as the purchase-money for his interest, had also to pay another one-twelfth, or 10l. more, to the landlord; and what rendered the exercise of this `right' more oppressive and detrimental was the fact that on every re-sale of the same property the same process of paying one-twelfth to the seignior had to be gone through. If the property were improved in value, the seller would no doubt receive a larger price for his interest; but the seignior's one-twelfth would be the greater in consequence of the increased value of the whole. This one-twelfth so reserved to the seignior was termed a `mutation fine.'
To get rid of this intolerable grievance, which was properly regarded as a grave public evil as well as individual oppression, the Canadian Legislature passed a law alike vigorous and comprehensive. The 'casual rights,' specially including those mentioned, were bought by the State at a cost little short of One Million Sterling; and an arrangement was made for the capitalisation and purchase of the rent by the tenant, and its compulsory sale by the landlord. Here was an instance of serious danger wisely averted by a measure which in the British Parliament would possibly be considered revolutionary, if not altogether confiscatory in its character. But statesmen in new countries are either more vigorous or more far-seeing than statesmen in old countries, who are trammelled by traditions and enfeebled by prejudices; besides, the very instinct of a young nation is to remove from its path every visible impediment to its progress.
The spirit in which this beneficent law was conceived will be best understood from a passage taken from its preamble, and another from its concluding clause.
The preamble says: `Whereas it is expedient to abolish all feudal rights and duties in Lower Canada; and whereas, in consideration of the great advantages which must result to the Province from their abolition, and the substitution of a free tenure for that under which the property subject thereto hath heretofore been sold,' &c.
The concluding clause is still more emphatic. It proclaims that--`The Legislature reserves the right of making any provisions, declaratory or otherwise, which may be found necessary for the purpose of fully carrying out the intention of this Act; which in intent is declared to be, to abolish as soon as possible all feudal or seignorial rights, duties, dues, &c. .... And to aid the censitaire out of the provincial funds in the redemption of those seignorial charges which interfere most injuriously with his independence, industry, and enterprise; and every enactment and provision in this Act shall receive the most liberal construction possible, with a view to ensure the accomplishment of the intention of the Legislature as hereby stated.'
The wise action of the Canadian Parliament at once arrested and removed the deep-seated feeling of discontent which was hourly increasing in intensity. From the example of the Canadian Legislature even the Parliament of the mother country may derive a valuable suggestion as to the abolition of those 'seignorial rights, duties, dues,' &c., and the redemption, or at least adjustment, of those charges `which interfere most injuriously with the independence, industry, and enterprise' of the censitaire of Ireland. The parent need not be ashamed to learn a lesson from the child, especially when the wisdom of that child's policy is proved beyond the possibility of doubt.
END OF CHAPTER VII.
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